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Equal Remuneration Act
Aditi Kavarana
Part I: A critical evaluation of the relevance of the
Act
The Equal Remuneration Act in India was enacted to prevent discrimination
between workers on grounds of gender. The preamble to the act describes
it as:
An Act to provide for the payment of equal remuneration to men and women
workers and for the prevention of discrimination, on the ground of sex,
against women in the matter of employment and for matters connected therewith
or incidental thereto.
The purpose of the act is to make sure that employers do not discriminate
on the basis of gender, in matters of wage fixing, transfers, training
and promotion. It provides for payment of equal remuneration to men and
women workers, for same work or work of similar nature and for the prevention
of discrimination against women in the matters of employment.
Discrimination is nothing more than the expression of a preference. In
this neutral sense, without assessing either the consequences of such
behaviour, or the "social justice" aspect, the right to discriminate
is a desirable feature of any free society.
Individual acts of choice may sometimes result in a preference that might
exclude or inconvenience a certain group. However, how valid or just is
it to make such a choice illegal? Even more significant, how many profit-maximising,
and efficiency--enhancing entrepreneurs would make such a choice?
Except in rare circumstance, people’s preferences are not absolute, but
vary depending on other factors, main among them being the cost, or benefit
of making such a choice. Under normal circumstances, the higher the cost
(the lower the benefit), the less likely the choice will be made. Discrimination
has a price, and the existence of this price will limit the existence
of discrimination prevalent in the market.
Prohibition of discrimination during recruitment
Section 5 of the Equal Remuneration Act specifically forbids
employers from discriminating against women during recruitment. It states:
On and from the commencement of this Act, no employer shall, while making
recruitment for the same work or work of a similar nature, or in any condition
of service subsequent to recruitment such as promotions, training or transfer,
make any discrimination against women.
In a competitive world such legislation has no bearing at all. All discrimination
in the market costs money, and any profit-maximising entrepreneur would
realise the costs of discrimination and do his best to remove it. During
recruitment, if employers discriminate against women, and refuse to hire
them, they are doing this at their own detriment. An employer would only
want to hire a woman if she can display herself to be amply able to perform
the task at hand. If this is so, by judging applicants on grounds other
than efficiency, an employer is hiring those who are potentially less
productive, or less suited to the job. Such a policy would definitely
cause profits to decrease.
Profit seekers would begin employing women, and as such employment would
increase. As demand for women workers increases, their wages also get
bid up.
An employer hiring on bases other than an employer’s ability to contribute
to firm’s productivity wouldn’t be able to persist since his willingness
to operate with discrimination would confer an advantage on his competitors.
If all entrepreneurs aren’t actively practising discrimination, then one
who is doing so is operating under a comparative disadvantage. He must
either bear these losses, or change his hiring policy.
Furthermore, during recruitment, in a world of incomplete information,
employers must guess at employees’ productivity using some proxies, and
gender might prove to be a possible proxy. Factors such as maternity leave,
inability to work late hours, inability to work night shifts etc. are
reflections of the worker’s productivity, and would go towards establishing
gender as a proxy. Using such proxies economises in information, if employers
later find that such proxies are wrong, they will find they are hiring
workers with low productivity, and principles of profit maximisation would
force them to choose new proxies.
Prohibition of discrimination during wage fixing
The Equal Remuneration Act also seeks to address the issue of
payment of unequal wages to men and women. It makes it compulsory for
employers to pay women wages equal to those paid to men for performance
of the same work. Section 4(1) states:
No employer shall pay to any worker, employed by him in an establishment
or employment, remuneration, whether payable in cash or in kind, at rates
less favourable than those at which remuneration is paid by him to the
workers of the opposite sex in such establishment or employment for performing
the same work or work of a similar nature.
This law also has no relevance in a competitive world, where the employer’s
primary concern is to make a profit. Perhaps, earlier when Indian industry
was protected and sheltered, employers could afford to follow such potentially
profit reducing policies, and still stay afloat, however, this is no longer
the case today.
Productivity is defined in terms of profit statement; employers reward
workers proportionate to the amount they add to revenues. When an employer
estimates wages, he takes into account the following factors:
- Intelligence 5 Leadership ability
- Efficiency 6 Communication Skills
- Initiative 7 Perseverance
- Skill 8 Experience
However, an equal pay legislation such as the Equal Remuneration Act
in India, seeks to determine wages on the basis of a politically motivating
or social justice related factor, in this case, gender. The mutual incompatibility
of the two sets of factors is obvious. While the first set might generate
an efficient labour force, the second set has absolutely no relation to
productivity, and hence cannot work towards an efficient labour force.
If a firm overpays, it would eventually have to close down since it would
run out of money. At the same time, if a firm underpays, it is would still
not be a profit yielding practise since it would lose employees to competitors.
To add to it, it would suffer from over optimal quit-rates, and have to
invest additionally in hiring, firing, and other training expenses.
While clearly, the search for profit would cause some entrepreneurs to
set aside their taste for discrimination, it is nevertheless true that
others would be willing to incur the cost. These employers would then
be paying the price of discrimination in the form of decreased profits.
The extent to which the most discriminatory employers can continue this
practice would be largely determined by factors beyond their control,
namely, by the competitive pressures exerted by other employers. An employer’s
willingness to operate under the competitive disadvantage of discrimination
would confer an advantage on his competitors. So, even if some employers
were willing to pay the price of discrimination, failure to respond to
the continuous challenge of the market would mean eventual displacement
by a more cost-effective firm.
There are several other reasons that cause unequal pay between sexes
that are unconnected to any bias or prejudice on the part of the employer,
known as non-discriminatory reality. Women may receive different wages
because they bear children, and are hence separated from the labour force
for a period, which could range between a few months and a few years.
Data in Canada and the USA have found a negative correlation between female-male
wage-ratios and birth rates.
To add to the problem, the Equal Remuneration Act does employers further
injustice by forcing them to obliviate any difference in wages by increasing
the wages of the woman. Section 4, sub-sections 2, and 3 state:
(2) No employer shall, for the purpose of complying with the
provisions of sub-section (1), reduce the rate of remuneration of
any worker.
(3) Where, in an establishment or employment, the rates of
remuneration payable before the commencement of this Act for men and
women workers for the same work or work of a similar nature are different
only on the ground of sex, then the higher (in cases where there are only
two rates), or, as the case may be, the highest (in cases where there
are more than two rates), of such rates shall be the rate at which remuneration
shall be payable, on and from such commencement, to such men and women
workers.
Hence, not only must an employer make sure that he pays the workers equal
wages, he may not decrease wages to this purpose.
The injurious nature of the act with respect to entrepreneurs
Consider the situation in light of the numerous labour laws
that make it very difficult to fire any worker. An employer who hires
a woman must pay her equal wages as the male worker although, she may
prove to be less efficient. Furthermore, he may not decrease the male
worker’s wages to fulfil this condition. Given that following such a policy
might later prove to be harmful and bankrupting to the employer, one might
expect him to be reluctant to hire a woman in the first place. However,
the law prevents him from doing that too!! In the attempt to protect women
workers from some perceived injustice, the act is exploiting the entrepreneur
who is simply trying to run an honest business.
The applicability of the act does not depend upon the financial viability
of the employer to pay equal remuneration as provided by it, nor does
it take into account the employers’ cost constraints. And such an act
has overriding effect with respect to implementation. Section 3 of the
act states:
The provisions of this act shall have effect notwithstanding anything
inconsistent therewith contained in any other law or in the terms of any
award, agreement or contract of service, whether made before or after
the commencement of this Act, or in any instrument having effect under
any law for the time being in force.
Such an act serves only to create an extremely restrictive and confining
atmosphere for entrepreneurs and is in no way encouraging for industry
as a whole.
It’s redundancy in a liberalised, competitive and free labour market
is apparent. Given that India has entered the era of liberalisation and
has begun the process of deregulation in other fields, elimination of
the act is but a natural, logical, and obvious step.
Part II: A study into the enforcement of the law
Following an understanding of the Equal Remuneration Act, its various
clauses, and the implications of having such a law, a study into the actual
enforcement of the law would give a clearer picture of the impact of such
restrictive legislation. Comprehension of how the act really works might
give a more lucid idea of how useful or dispensable the act is.
For the purposes of the study of enforcement of the Equal Remuneration
Act, Uttar Pradesh was selected since it is the most populous state in
the country with 53.05% of population male, and 46.95% female. From Uttar
Pradesh, three districts were selected: Nainital: highly developed, Kanpur:
mid developed, Moradabad: backward area. In Kanpur, an evaluation of the
implementation can be made since, the functional headquarters of the machinery
such as Labour Commission, Regional Labour Commissioner, Assistant Labour
Commissioner, Labour Enforcement Officer are located.
Table 1: NATURE OF EMPLOYMENT AMONG WORKERS IN SAMPLE
| DISTRICT/ Sex |
Total workers in the
sample |
Regular Employment |
Contract Work |
| KANPUR |
|
Permanent (%) |
Temporary (%) |
Casual (%) |
Total |
Daily Basis (%) |
Piece Rate (%) |
Total |
| Male |
66 |
16.67 |
27.28 |
10.60 |
54.55 |
36.37 |
9.08 |
45.45 |
| Female |
66 |
16.67 |
15.15 |
22.73 |
54.55 |
36.37 |
9.08 |
45.45 |
| Total |
132 |
16.67 |
21.21 |
16.67 |
54.55 |
36.37 |
9.08 |
45.45 |
| MORADABAD |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Male |
77 |
33.77 |
37.66 |
- |
71.43 |
25.97 |
2.60 |
28.57 |
| Female |
77 |
33.77 |
37.66 |
- |
71.43 |
25.97 |
2.60 |
28.57 |
| Total |
154 |
33.77 |
37.66 |
- |
71.43 |
25.97 |
2.60 |
28.57 |
| NAINITAL |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Male |
64 |
57.81 |
7.81 |
7.81 |
73.43 |
26.57 |
- |
26.57 |
| Female |
64 |
54.69 |
7.81 |
7.81 |
70.31 |
29.69 |
- |
29.69 |
| Total |
128 |
56.25 |
7.81 |
7.81 |
71.87 |
28.13 |
- |
28.13 |
| ALL DISTRICTS |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Male |
207 |
35.75 |
5.78 |
5.78 |
66.65 |
29.48 |
3.87 |
33.35 |
| Female |
207 |
34.78 |
9.66 |
9.66 |
65.69 |
30.45 |
3.86 |
34.31 |
| Total |
414 |
35.27 |
7.73 |
7.73 |
66.19 |
29.95 |
3.86 |
33.81 |
The proportion of workers who had a temporary and permanent nature of
jobs among female workers: 21.25 and 34.78 respectively.
Investigation into discrimination through paying different wages
On looking into amounts of wages paid to men and women, one
finds a large degree of difference in wages. Taking all sample workers
together, the average monthly wages per worker for males is Rs. 808, and
for females it is Rs. 791. The wage differential exists in the unorganised
sector only, where female wages are 5.30% lower than male wages, as shown
by the table below:
Table 2: PATTERN OF WAGES IN ORGANISED AND UNORGANISED SECTORS:
| DISTRICT |
Per worker average
monthly wages among males |
Per worker average
monthly wages among females |
| KANPUR |
|
|
| Organised |
802 |
802 |
| Unorganised |
598 |
558 |
| Total |
717 |
619 |
| MORADABAD |
|
|
| Organised |
1484 |
1484 |
| Unorganised |
458 |
442 |
| Total |
884 |
875 |
| NAINITAL |
|
|
| Organised |
985 |
985 |
| Unorganised |
573 |
536 |
| Total |
811 |
796 |
| ALL DISTRICTS |
|
|
| Organised |
1074 |
1074 |
| Unorganised |
528 |
500 |
| Total |
808 |
791 |
The percentage difference in the unorganised sector in various districts
is: Kanpur: 6.68%, Moradabad: 4%, Nainital: 2.18%, pointing towards the
fact that Kanpur has the highest wage differential while Moradabad had
the lowest level.
Table 3: WAGE DIFFERENTIAL BETWEEN MALE AND FEMALE WORKERS IN UNORGANISED
SECTOR BY NATURE OF EMPLOYMENT
| DISTRICT/Sex |
Regular Employment |
Contract Work |
| |
Permanent |
Temporary |
Casual |
Daily Basis |
Piece Rate |
| KANPUR |
|
|
|
|
|
| Male |
795 |
- |
430 |
37 |
442 |
| Female |
725 |
- |
357 |
358 |
342 |
| % Wage Differential |
8.80 |
- |
16.97 |
5.03 |
2.62 |
| MORADABAD |
|
|
|
|
|
| Male |
- |
490 |
- |
426 |
400 |
| Female |
- |
484 |
- |
404 |
400 |
| % Wage Differential |
- |
1.22 |
- |
5.16 |
- |
| DISTRICT/Sex |
Regular Employment |
Contract Work |
| |
Permanent |
Temporary |
Casual |
Daily Basis |
Piece Rate |
| NAINITAL |
|
|
|
|
|
| Male |
670 |
- |
660 |
519 |
- |
| Female |
600 |
- |
60 |
482 |
- |
| % Wage Differential |
10.44 |
- |
- |
7.12 |
- |
| ALL DISTRICTS |
|
|
|
|
|
| Male |
757 |
490 |
534 |
446 |
432 |
| Female |
668 |
484 |
495 |
419 |
357 |
| % Wage Differential |
11.75 |
1.22 |
7.30 |
6.05 |
17.36 |
Once again, the figures show a large degree of wage differential in Kanpur:
it is the only district where a difference exists in almost all types
of labour, except temporary regular employment, a category where the only
difference is in Moradabad, and that too a very minimal amount: 1.22%.
The rates displayed are very high: 8.80 in permanent regular employment,
16.97 in casual regular employment, 22.62 in piece rate contract work.
Investigation on discrimination through other methods and benefits
awarded
Discrimination between males and females can be measured on the basis
of other factors apart from wages such as:
- Promotion and rise in salary.
- Welfare schemes: bonus, provident fund, gratuity, pension, and annual
increment.
- Benefits: weekly holiday, earned leave, casual leave, maternity leave,
medical leave, insurance against accident.
Below, is given the amounts of promotions and wage increases awarded
to workers: male and female:
Table 4: PATTERN OF PROMOTION AMONG SAMPLE WORKERS (%)
| DISTRICT |
Male respondents getting promotion |
Female respondents getting promoted |
| KANPUR |
|
|
| Organised |
13.88 |
13.88 |
| Unorganised |
16.66 |
6.66 |
| Total |
15.55 |
10.60 |
| DISTRICT |
Male respondents getting promoted |
Female respondents getting promoted |
| MORADABAD |
|
|
| Organised |
25.00 |
25.00 |
| Unorganised |
- |
- |
| Total |
10.38 |
10.38 |
| NAINITAL |
|
|
| Organised |
21.62 |
18.91 |
| Unorganised |
7.40 |
7.40 |
| Total |
15.62 |
14.06 |
| ALL DISTRICTS |
|
|
| Organised |
20.00 |
19.04 |
| Unorganised |
6.86 |
3.92 |
| Total |
13.52 |
11.59 |
Table 5: INCREASE IN WAGES IN THE LAST THREE YEARS
| DISTRICT |
Males reporting increase
in wages |
Females reporting
increase in wages |
| KANPUR |
|
|
| Organised |
86.11 |
75.00 |
| Unorganised |
83.33 |
66.67 |
| MORADABAD |
|
|
| Organised |
100.00 |
100.00 |
| Unorganised |
57.78 |
66.67 |
| NAINITAL |
|
|
| Organised |
86.49 |
83.78 |
| Unorganised |
77.78 |
74.07 |
The district with the largest amount of difference in rates of promotion
and increase in wages is Kanpur: where, in case of promotions, although
the organised sector has no difference, there is a 10% difference between
males and females in the unorganised sector. The fact that Moradabad reports
amount of preferential treatment in terms of promotions may be attributed
to the fact that there are promotions only in the organised sector, however
in case of salary increases too; it is lower than Kanpur.
Lastly, one may examine discriminatory treatment by employers in terms
of benefits provided to male and female workers:
A table showing the different proportions of workers receiving benefits
such as bonuses, provident funds, gratuities, annual increments etc. is
given below. The interesting aspect here is that the differential is roughly
the same in all districts, in stark contrast to earlier cases.
Table 6: WORKERS WELFARE SCHEMES IN THE ESTABLISHMENTS/ ORGANISATIONS
| DISTRICT |
Bonus |
Provident Fund |
Gratuity |
Annual Increment |
| KANPUR |
MALE |
FEMALE |
MALE |
FEMALE |
MALE |
FEMALE |
MALE |
FEMALE |
| Organised |
33.33 |
30.55 |
61.11 |
58.33 |
27.78 |
25.00 |
63.89 |
61.11 |
| Unorganised |
|
|
20.00 |
16.67 |
|
|
56.67 |
53.33 |
| Total |
18.18 |
16.66 |
42.42 |
39.39 |
15.15 |
13.63 |
60.61 |
57.57 |
| MORADABAD |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Organised |
68.75 |
62.50 |
62.50 |
59.38 |
18.75 |
15.63 |
90.63 |
87.50 |
| Unorganised |
|
|
|
|
|
|
20.00 |
15.55 |
| Total |
28.57 |
25.97 |
25.97 |
24.67 |
7.79 |
6.49 |
49.35 |
45.45 |
| NAINITAL |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Organised |
59.46 |
54.05 |
86.49 |
81.08 |
24.32 |
21.62 |
86.48 |
81.08 |
| Unorganised |
18.52 |
14.81 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Total |
42.19 |
37.50 |
50.00 |
46.87 |
14.06 |
12.50 |
50.00 |
46.06 |
| ALL DISTRICTS |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Organised |
53.33 |
48.57 |
70.48 |
66.66 |
23.80 |
20.95 |
80.00 |
76.19 |
| Unorganised |
4.90 |
2.92 |
5.88 |
4.90 |
|
|
23.53 |
22.54 |
| Total |
29.47 |
26.57 |
38.65 |
36.23 |
12.08 |
10.63 |
52.17 |
49.75 |
There is a difference in the facilities afforded to males and females
in all districts. These figures are useful to display the fact that given
that the Equal Remuneration Act, covers only wages paid, a discriminating
employer may follow discriminatory practices through not providing benefits
such as provident fund, gratuity, bonus etc.
To sum up, one observes a certain trend in the differential in wages
and other indicators such as promotion, raise in salary, etc., wherein
Kanpur has the highest rate of discriminatory treatment, and Moradabad
has the lowest rates. One may attempt to explain the above trend by the
fact that in our sample, Kanpur has the highest numbers in the organised
sectors, as compared to Moradabad and Nainital. For the unorganised sector
to have a higher rate of violations is quite expected.
However as Table 3 displays, if one considers solely the unorganised
sectors in the three districts, Kanpur still shows the highest rate of
violation. Kanpur is the city which houses the headquarters of all major
implementation officials, next one might consider Nainital which is the
most developed of the three areas, and hence government presence must
be large there, and last in the scale of development and government presence
is Moradabad. This trend may have two possible explanations:
- Implementation of the law is not efficient enough. The law enforcement
agencies are either inactive, or corrupt.
- The source of wage discrimination is in the nature of demand and supply
of labour. Discrimination against women exists in terms of availability
of job opportunities: occupations and organisations where women could
find work is very limited compared to those of men. This lack may be
result of socio-historical reasons, and not differences in real economic
value of contribution of female labour.
Hence to determine the causal factors behind such difference in wages,
it would be useful to examine the implementation of the law.
The law is mainly maintained via labour inspectors. Section 9, clauses
3 and 4 lay down their functions as:
Clause (3): An Inspector may, at any place within the local limits
of his jurisdiction,
(a) Enter, at any reasonable time, with such assistance, as he thinks
fit, any building, factory, premises, or vessel;
(b) Require any employer to produce any register, muster-roll or other
documents relating to the employment of workers, and examine such documents;
(c) Take on the spot or otherwise, the evidence of any person
for the purpose of ascertaining whether the provisions of this Act are
being, or have been, complied with;
(d) Examine the employer, his agent or servant or any other person found
in charge of the establishment or any premises connected therewith or
any person whom the Inspector has reasonable cause to believe to be, or
to have been a worker in the establishment;
(e) Make copies, or take extracts from, any register, or other document
maintained in relation to the establishment under this Act.
Clause (4): Any person required by an Inspector to produce any
register or other document or to give any information shall comply with
such requisition.
During this tour, if the inspector feels that two workers are performing
work of a similar nature, he has full power to order the employer to pay
same wages to both workers.
There are therefore, several links in the chain where implementation
could break down leading to non-enforcement of the act: the first step
obviously being the periodicity and thoroughness of the inspection by
labour inspectors. In Kanpur, 50% of the respondents reported visits by
labour inspectors, in Moradabad 30% of the respondents reported visits,
and in Nainital the number was 70%.
The next step relates to the thoroughness of the check carried out by
the inspector. Labour Inspectors are generally over-burdened with work:
they are never large enough in number and they must oversee not only the
Equal Implementation Act, but also 28 other laws. The Assistant Labour
Commissioner: Mr. K R Sawhney, Delhi has said that he has only 60 labour
inspectors to enforce all of the labour laws in all of Delhi. He claims
that he is sorely short-handed, and consequently the quality of enforcement
suffers. Mr. Sawhney says that as far as the Equal Remuneration Act is
concerned, enforcement in Delhi is accorded very little importance, 90%
of the time inspectors act on it only when a complaint is received.
However, even if inspectors did conduct timely and efficient inspections
on the factories, there are still hurdles to efficient implementation
of the law in the shape of workers’ reluctance to make complaints or give
accurate information about levels of wages paid out to them. In the above
survey, 35.21% did not reveal true facts about their wages. All workers
in the organised sector however, disclosed true facts; consequently the
figures in the unorganised sector is much more serious: 78.13% of females
did not reveal the facts about their wages.
In fact, many workers who were aware of being exploited did even not
approach the employer to demand an equal wage. Various reasons have been
given by female workers for not approaching their employers: fear of losing
their job, no hope of positive response from employers and traditional
value system among females.
Table 7: REASONS FOR NOT APPROACHING THE EMPLOYERS REGARDING THE EQUAL
WAGES.
| DISTRICT |
Respondents claiming lower wages |
Respondents who did not approach
employer |
Reasons for not approaching |
| |
|
|
Lack of awareness about the act. |
Fear of losing their job. |
No hope of positive response |
Favour lower wages. |
| KANPUR |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Organised |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
| Unorganised |
60.00 |
94.45 |
35.29 |
29.42 |
23.53 |
11.76 |
| Total |
27.27 |
94.45 |
35.29 |
29.42 |
23.53 |
11.76 |
| MORADABAD |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Organised |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
| Unorganised |
26.66 |
100.00 |
- |
75.00 |
- |
25.00 |
| Total |
25.58 |
100.00 |
- |
75.00 |
- |
25.00 |
| NAINITAL |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Organised |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
| Unorganised |
25.93 |
85.72 |
16.67 |
- |
66.67 |
16.66 |
| Total |
10.94 |
85.72 |
16.67 |
- |
66.67 |
16.66 |
| ALL DISTRICTS |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Organised |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
| Unorganised |
36.27 |
94.60 |
20.00 |
40.00 |
22.86 |
17.14 |
| Total |
17.87 |
94.60 |
20.00 |
40.00 |
22.86 |
17.14 |
To conclude, the enforcement of the Equal Remuneration Act leaves much
to be desired. There are numerous stages where the implementation of the
act could be and is mishandled. Discrimination in the market could take
place through three main devices: discrimination during recruitment of
workers, discrimination at the time of giving remuneration, and discrimination
while allotting benefits such as pension, provident fund, gratuity, annual
increments.
Discrimination in cases where two employees are clearly identified as
those performing same work, or work of similar nature, is easy to identify,
and perhaps could be checked through frequent and thorough checks by a
labour inspector. However, in cases where it occurs at the recruitment
stage, or where it is not evident that two workers are performing workers
of similar nature, or when the employer discriminates by withholding pension
and other benefits, enforcement isn’t so elementary and uncomplicated.
If discriminatory tendencies exist in the employers’ mind, these can
only be eliminated by exposing the factory to competitive forces, following
which the employer will no longer find such practices viable if his goal
truly is profit maximisation. If, despite competitive pressures, the employer
still continues to follow discriminatory practices, it can only be because
he is willing to undergo losses caused by his practise; i.e. he is paying
the price of discrimination. In this scenario: if the employer is inclined
to have lower profits, and follow a restrictive hiring, and wages policy,
there can be no decrees or statutes that can effectively prevent him from
doing so.
Part III: Perspectives of those concerned
Before pronouncing judgement on the act, it would be efficacious to look
at the act from the standpoint of the main players involved in the enforcement
of the act.
One can identify three sets of such main players in the chain of events
that would follow after such an act is enforced: the implementers or labour
inspectors, the employers or owners of factories, and the employees or
workers in such factories.
The Gendarme: labour inspectors
Labour Departments as mentioned before, are overburdened with work. There
are 30 labour laws in India presently, including the Sick Industries Act,
and the responsibility of enforcing all of these lies with labour inspectors.
These inspectors’ activities range from conducting regular checks on factories:
where they must take tours of the factories, inspect pay registers, check
the facilities, dimensions of the rooms, toilets, and entertain any complaints
that may arise. Inspectors must also conduct surprise visits on factories.
Furthermore, they are charged with the job of making inquiries into all
complaints/ violations, for which they may have to subpoena workers, employers,
or documents.
As mentioned before, in Delhi, Mr. Arya, Assistant Labour Commissioner,
Delhi, has said that he has only 60 inspectors to enforce all labour laws.
Furthermore, as regards laws relating to Safety and Health, the government
must have a health inspector. In Delhi, there is only one health inspector
for all the factories. Mr. Arya has said that in such a scenario, where
he is severely short-staffed, when inspectors do conduct visits on factories,
the focus is not on the Equal Remuneration Act. Inspectors deem legislation
such as the Minimum Wages Act, Factories Act, Employees State Insurance
Act as of a higher priority, and hence enforcement of the Equal Remuneration
Act is minimal. In the words of Mr. Arya: "When we have numerous
cases of workers being paid wages at sub-minimum levels, how can we give
importance cases where women are paid less than men, if they are both
being paid wages above the declared minimum wage level."
The inspectors’ viewpoint, hence, is that there is no point in enacting
lists of laws, if the country does not have the resources to enforce them.
Such legislation only serves to enhance the already long list of laws
in India, since the chances of effectively exacting compliance with them
are quite remote.
Scrooge and his cronies: the employers
As could be guessed, employers are not in favour of the act. An employer
feels it is restrictive, and creates unnecessary barriers to his aim of
profit maximisation. There has been a lot of talk about laws governing
an employers’ freedom to hire and fire, and they are all in agreement
about the fact that such laws will only reduce the employer’s incentive
to hire more workers. If an employer knows he will be saddled with a worker
once hired, and the wages, benefits, working conditions, leave etc. are
all regulated, he would avoid hiring them until he reaches the point where
another worker is absolutely inescapable.
Manmohan Singh, former Finance Minister has said "by denying flexibility
in deploying labour, government policies have unwittingly impeded the
use of labour in the economy … Measures are therefore urgently needed
to reduce the rigidities in the labour force." One can quote B V
Talwar, an industrialist and exporter, who has written in an article titled
"Special Economic Zones-Chinese Style", " if there is no
law that can even persuade, let alone compel an employer to employ even
one more worker, even though it can be conclusively proved that his enterprise
can well afford such an addition. As against all the labour laws prohibit
him, or at least make it extremely difficult to fire even one worker."
In fact, we have the word of a factory manager himself. The Personnel
Manager, Pee Embro Exports Limited has said that if laws such as the Equal
Remuneration Act did not exist, he would, in all probability, hire more
workers in his enterprise.
Hence, all employers are, as can be anticipated not appreciative of the
Equal Remuneration Act, and feel that the removal of the act would make
running a factory or a business much easier and efficient.
The Motley crew: the workers
Lastly, one must of course, consider the views of the worker himself,
or in this case, herself, since the female workers are the true `beneficiaries’
of the act.
Of course, most female workers are in favour of the act, and do view
it as the only deliverance from the employers’ restrictive and discriminatory
tendencies. This attitude is understandable since, if the act works to
the benefit of the women workers, it would only be logical for them to
support it. However, there is a certain small proportion of female workers
who feel that the lower wages that accrue to them are justifiable, and
warranted. In any analysis of the utility of the act, it would be very
interesting to analyse their motives and reasons for having such an outlook.
Table 1: VIEWS OF RESPONDENTS REGARDING EQUAL REMUNERATION FOR SIMILAR
WORK.
| DISTRICT |
Male workers reporting that wages
of female workers should be lower |
Female workers reporting that wages
of female workers should be lower |
| KANPUR |
|
|
| Organised |
19.44 |
2.78 |
| Unorganised |
10.00 |
3.33 |
| Total |
15.15 |
3.03 |
| MORADABAD |
|
|
| Organised |
- |
- |
| Unorganised |
20.00 |
- |
| Total |
11.69 |
- |
| NAINITAL |
|
|
| Organised |
5.41 |
- |
| Unorganised |
18.52 |
3.71 |
| Total |
10.94 |
1.56 |
| ALL DISTRICTS |
|
|
| Organised |
8.57 |
0.95 |
| Unorganised |
16.67 |
1.96 |
| Total |
12.56 |
1.45 |
As can be seen, the proportion of women who feel that women ought to
be paid wages lower than those paid to males is very low. However, the
interesting aspect is that there is some number, albeit low, of women
who actually feel that they should be paid lower wages. On the basis of
information and hints received from the workers, three main reasons can
be pinpointed as to why lower wages should naturally accrue to females.
Most of the workers felt that women could not work as hard as men, 44.83%
of the respondents attributed this to be the main causal factor behind
unequal wages. 24.14% felt it was because men worked comparatively more
than women, while 17.24% thought it was actually because female workers
availed more leave than males.
Table 2: VIEWS OF WORKERS REGARDING THE CONCEPT OF EQUAL WAGES FOR MALES
AND FEMALES: WHY FEMALE WORKERS FEEL THAT LOWER WAGES ARE WARRANTED.
| DISTRICT |
Status of women is lower |
Women cannot work as hard as men |
To maintain superiority of men over
women |
Men work comparatively more than
women |
Female workers avail more leave |
| KANPUR |
|
|
|
|
|
| Organised |
12.50 |
50.00 |
12.50 |
12.50 |
12.50 |
| Unorganised |
- |
50.00 |
- |
50.00 |
- |
| Total |
8.33 |
50.00 |
8.33 |
25.00 |
8.34 |
| MORADABAD |
|
|
|
|
|
| Organised |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
| Unorganised |
22.22 |
33.33 |
- |
- |
44.45 |
| Total |
22.22 |
33.33 |
- |
- |
44.45 |
| NAINITAL |
|
|
|
|
|
| Organised |
- |
100.00 |
- |
- |
- |
| Unorganised |
- |
33.33 |
|
66.67 |
- |
| Total |
- |
50.00 |
|
50.00 |
- |
| ALL DISTRICTS |
|
|
|
|
|
| Organised |
10.00 |
60.00 |
10.00 |
10.00 |
10.00 |
| Unorganised |
10.53 |
36.84 |
- |
31.58 |
21.05 |
| Total |
10.34 |
44.83 |
3.45 |
24.14 |
17.24 |
The above reasons furnished by workers can be divided into two categories:
those which may have an actual economic reasoning behind them, and those
which relate to inherent biases and presumptions that exist in the minds
of people.
The first category includes the reasons saying that women cannot work
as hard as men can, they work comparatively less than men, and the fact
that females avail of more leave than men. These may actually have sound
economic sense behind them. To look at the issue logically, if these factors
are present, for employers to pay women lower wages is only natural. In
fact, to force them to pay higher wages to women would be a case of the
government facilitating exploitation of the factory owners or entrepreneurs
by workers. Employers must be allowed to pay workers exactly their worth,
and the presence of such factors serves to reduce the worth of female
workers from the perspective of running a business, and hence paying females
lower wages becomes perfectly justifiable.
The second category includes factors that deal with biases and mindsets
inherent in Indian society, which cause an employer to follow a restrictive
policy. These of course, cannot be justified in economic terms, and seem
quite frightening when one looks at the issue from the outlook of justice.
However, what one does not understand is that an employer following such
policies despite competition in his trade, is doing so at his own cost.
The employer is now paying the cost for the sake of his `beliefs' or `biases'.
The only way in which it would be possible for an employer to follow policies
that are potentially profit reducing: which hamper his running of a business;
and still survive would be if he received certain benefits from the government
in the form of a subsidy or protection. In this case, the easier solution
to the problem is to remove this protection. Once the employer is exposed
to market forces, and he can no longer afford to follow policies which
put him in danger of having to close down, he will automatically let go
of such non-economic techniques and follow an equitable wage policy.
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